Tuesday, December 31, 2019

Personal Reflections And Values Of A Mental Health...

Geyer (1994) defines dual relationships as occurring when a mental health practitioner, â€Å"relates to a client in roles other than that of a mental health practitioner outside the therapeutic context† (p.187). Areas outside of context may include church, social gatherings, and organized events to name a few. The term dual relationship is interchangeably used with multiple relationships or nonprofessional relations. Corey et al. (2011) further defines this role as a professional who assumes multiple, two or more, roles at the same time with a client. The following paper will look to address a literature review of dual relationships along with a review of the California Association of Marriage and Family Therapist (CAMFT) and American Counseling Association (ACA) ethics codes regarding the topic. I will further provide personal reflections and values as they relate to dual relationships. In closing I will provide an ethical resolution to a hypothetical case and provide final thoughts. Introduction In clinical practice it is wise for mental health professionals to monitor boundary crossing or multiple relationships. These roles have the potential for therapist to use power inappropriately through influence or exploitation of clients. Therefore it is essential to continually monitor the impact of the behavior on clients (Corey et al., 2011). From ethical perspective dual relationships in its self is not a malpractice. The legal aspect depends on the nature of the relationships.Show MoreRelatedCanadian Social Work Practice : A New Horizon Of Learning Essay1660 Words   |  7 Pagescritical theories and postmodern thoughts provides me significant and appropriate frameworks to practice as a progressive social worker in Canadian context (Morley, 2003). My exploration of reflective practice and the fundamentals of critical self reflection approach enhanced my understanding of specific client situations. Moreover, my learning about anti-racist and anti-oppressive practice helps me t o identify socially constructed structural factors which are oppressive in various clientele circumstancesRead MoreReflective Essay : Reflective Practice Theoretical Essay1732 Words   |  7 PagesIntroduction(300) Rolfe (2011) state that reflection is a mental process which include thinking, feeling, imagining and learning about what was happening in the past and which could be considered as a personal experience. Reflection is a continuous debate on what might have happened differently and if this could affect differently the present and the future regarding the outcome if is positive or negative. Experience underpin the process of reflection. According to Nursing Midwifery CouncilRead MoreA Public Health Nutritionist Dietician1435 Words   |  6 Pagesfor a Public Health Nutritionist Dietician working in Primary Health Care Outreach in West Arnhem Maningrida, Darwin and was advertised by the Northern Territory Government Department of Health position. The position of a Public Health Nutritionist Dietician working in rural or remote areas can be associated with many issues including working remotely and practising cultural safety. Dietician’s working in rural or remote locations are more likely to leave their jobs due to personal reasons, poorRead MoreEssay on Spiritual Needs and Occupational Therapy1365 Words   |  6 Pagesreviewed in relation to meeting spiritual needs. Finally, the perceived barriers to incorporating spirituality into practice were investigated. The review showed that: (1) Although a majority of participants recognise the importance of spirituality to health and illness and the potential bene fits to treatment, the number of therapists actually incorporating spiritual needs into daily practice does not demonstrate this recognition; (2) Some occupational therapists feel confident about addressing and assessingRead MoreA Reflection On Labeling Mental Illness1560 Words   |  7 PagesA Reflection on Labeling Mental Illness in Adolescence Over the past two months that I have spent enhancing my knowledge of mental health nursing with adolescence at the Youth Resource Center (YRC), I have encountered numerous learning opportunities that have allowed me to reflect both upon the profession of nursing as a whole, as well as my own future practice. As nursing students we are taught that the capacity to reflect critically is crucial to a nurse’s ability to grow as a practitionerRead MoreMy Personal Philosophy Of Nursing879 Words   |  4 Pagescare received at home. Nurse practitioners are becoming an integral part of the military health care system. Defense budgets have become a political football, with each respective party using funding as bargaining tool for other programs. Budget negotiations have many unintended consequences, and the military Tricare health system funding is no exception. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has identified three areas of focus for spending reductions in military heal th care; better management of chronicRead MorePersonal Reflection On The Social Work Profession847 Words   |  4 PagesMy paper is a personal reflection on my understanding of the social work profession, as I get ready for my field placement. I will reflect on my evolving sense of professional identity, and will discuss my growth in terms of self-awareness. I will further deliberate about my knowledge of the Social Work profession. My current understanding of the profession, and activities, tasks and roles that I may undertake in a placement situation The Social Work profession in Ontario is a complete, accreditedRead MoreEthics Of Working With Adolescents1633 Words   |  7 Pageswell as the ethical framework, that guides the practice of a healthcare practitioner (Michaud, Berg-Kelly, Macfarlane, Benaroyo, 2010). Ethical considerations for an adolescent include the important components of duty of care, confidentiality, consent, and mandatory reporting (Sigman, Silber, English, Epner, 1997). Sustainable service collaboration between various service providers is essential to provide holistic health and social service (Beadle, 2009). Multiagency work is at the core of providingRead MoreReflection On Personal Experience853 Words   |  4 PagesPersonal Reflection 1 Reflecting on personal and professional experiences I have become to understand that although there is vast scholarly literature identifying the key determinants of physical activity as demographics, social, cultural and environmental factors (Amireault, Godin, and Vezina-Im, 2013), there are also many psychological (mental health) and health dependent (physical, structural, and functional) determinates that have been introduced to me during my final year of study. All factorsRead MoreCounseling Ethics Critical Thinking1196 Words   |  5 Pagesand common errors in thinking or reasoning. Our approach to this new problem solving process should be systematic and logical, not emotional. Critical thinkers will clearly spotlight, not hide, their own beliefs and values, (2006, Foundation for Critical Thinking). This reflection paper will follow the critical thinking steps of analyzing the logic of an article as suggested by Dr. Richard Paul and Dr. Linda Elder (Foundations of Critica l Thinking). All steps and required criteria have been italicized

Sunday, December 22, 2019

The Three Movements Of The Spiritual Life - 1549 Words

4MAT Review Nouwen, H. J. M. (1975). Reaching out: The Three Movements of the Spiritual Life. New York, NY: Doubleday. Summary: In Reaching Out, Henri Nouwen gives out a standard by which we are supposed to live â€Å"in the Spirit of Jesus Christ.† He suggests that we need to reach out beyond the tension caused by our lonely, hostile, illusive state.† As our lives fluctuate between poles of stressful and successful existence, our souls are tempted by boredom and yearning for true holiness. Having said that, Nouwen itches, move from the pole of personal loneliness to an embrace of solitude, move from the pole of hostility to an exercise of unselfish hospitality, and most crucially move from a pole of illusion to an intimacy with God through prayer. Struggling with these polarities provides opportunity to construct a practical standard for the spiritual life that incorporates the whole of human experience. Nouwen’s threefold standard for the spiritual life develops a practical approach to these polarities and provides a practical framework for a discipline of discipleship. Henri’ s approach to holiness is born out of the recognition that each person encounters a struggle to cope appropriately with unpleasant circumstances of life. He begins with the universal life understanding of loneliness. Even in our busy, occupied domain, the feeling of relational poverty irritates our souls. No possession, competition, or individual can offer a persistent gratification of our sadShow MoreRelatedPaco 5071488 Words   |  6 PagesReaching Out-The Three Movements of the Spiritual Life Tammy T. Smith Liberty University PACO 506 SUMMARY Henri J. M. Nouwen’s book,  Reaching Out: The Three Movements of the Spiritual Life, examines three aspects of spiritual movement in which he unveils how humanity relates to self, others, and God to achieve true spirituality. The first movement revealed is the movement from loneliness to solitude, second is the movement from hostility to hospitality, and finally, is the movement from illusionRead More4-Mat Review Nouwen1296 Words   |  6 PagesReaching Out was published by Doubleday Dell Publishing Group in 1986. It was written by Henri Nouwen and offers counsel in the three movements of the spiritual life. The book simplifies the relational of humanity with the living God. Nouwen (1986) explores these three movements as spiritual growth and development. This he indicated will bring people closer to God. The first movement is from loneliness to solitude. Loneliness is an inner struggle for all humans. It is a feeling that no matter how many peopleRead MoreReflection Paper855 Words   |  4 Pagesnot going to be healed on this side of life. Unfortunately, a week after leaving, she would transition from life to death. Rah shares, â€Å"But what if the willingness to die involves more than merely physical death? What if the willingness to die requires the laying down of power and dying to our rights? What if, in addition to physical death, the passage calls for an emotional death?† These are thought-provoking questions that Rah asks. Death is a part of life, and to deal with it, whether with familyRead MoreJohn Smith And Walt Whitman Essay1248 Words   |  5 Pageswriting was transitioning from the transcendentalist into the realist movement and nature was viewed not as an extension of god, but as a way to learn about ourselves and the world. opposition to romanticism. Three w riters between these two time periods, Jonathan Edwards, Benjamin Franklin and William Cullen Bryant each have a different worldview based on their background and provide a transition between the Puritan and Realism movements. John Smith came to the new world with the Virginia Company in orderRead MoreAnalysis Of Blue Poles 1498 Words   |  6 Pagesboundaries of conventional art making practice through his rare artistic style that departs from the strict conventions of realism and naturalism formed by the Academie, and seeks to convey inner spiritual experience by challenging intentions and emotive capacities. He sought to convey a universal, visual and spiritual language of abstract forms and colours, along with interpreting his synesthetic experience of music, to create artworks that transcended cultural and physical boundaries. Abstract and ModernistRead MoreOf The Many Books That People Have Given Or Suggested Over1177 Words   |  5 PagesDevout Life by St Francis de Sales. So many times, I put this book aside and never dove into it and as I read if for this class I regret not reading it earlier because of richness in its content for those who which to live a good Christian life and are not religious. This is precisely the audience that St. Francis de Sales wrote this book for. He wrote it so that the laity could live a devout or holy life without having to live in a monastery or convent. The Introduction to the Devout Life was firstRead MoreAnalysis Of The Movie Nope 755 Words   |  4 Pagesback. So often when we find ourselves in a spiritual rut and need to get unstuck in our life with Jesus we just need a bit of a new perspective. To change our view point and redirect our efforts and we’ll find our way to being unstuck. Have you ever felt stuck in your relationship with Jesus? Like things were just stagnant? Maybe the growth and excitement of your faith just disappeared? And now your feeling dry and a little bit like you’re on a spiritual plateau? You know, not moving forward but notRead MoreThe Han Dynasty1195 Words   |  5 Pagesancient philosophies can be distinguished in the religious and superstitious beliefs and practices that were performed in Han China. The implementation of these three philosophies during a time of political corruption, and spiritual chaos helped to create an overall calmer and intellectual society. The philosophical and spiritual movement of this time and in turn shaped modern religions, state ethics and beliefs. Prior to the so-called da-yi-tong (great unity) within the political systems of theRead MoreJews Were Complacent During The Holocaust1670 Words   |  7 Pagesviolent and non-violent resistance against the Nazis, such as spiritual resistance, forming partisan groups, and starting uprisings and riots in many ghettos and concentration camps. Spiritual resistance is defined as â€Å"attempts by individuals to maintain their humanity, personal integrity, and sense of civilization in the face of Nazi attempts to dehumanize and degrade them† by the United States Holocaust Museum (Spiritual). Spiritual resistance was highly regarded by many Jews, and most actuallyRead MoreThe History of Hinduism Essay1308 Words   |  6 Pagesultimately used by Europeans in the 1500s as the official name of the religion. History plays an important part of Hinduism because new developments reinterpret an update past practices rather than end them. The Hindu religion is broke down into three periods the Vedic period, the Upanishadic period, the classical period, and the devotional period. The Vedic period lasted from 1500 to 600 BCE. The Dravidian civilization was located in the Indus Valley of northwest India, this area is now known

Saturday, December 14, 2019

Psychological negative effects of MRSA Free Essays

Erasures was treatable with penicillin until the sass’s, in 1959 when more the 90-95% of all strains became resistant it was treated with nonmetallic, a stronger form of antibiotic that was used to treat gram positive bacteria. This In turn because resistant to all strains of the bacterium. Nonmetallic is no longer used today but the term for MRS. We will write a custom essay sample on Psychological negative effects of MRSA or any similar topic only for you Order Now is still used. Colonization: The organism Is superficially carried on the skin, in the nose, etc. People are not sick and do not require antibiotics. Infection: A person has a clinical Infection with the organism e. G. Wound Infection, skepticism, urinary Infection etc. Infected persons usually require systemic antibiotics. MRS. is transmitted through skin to skin contact and is carried by 2% of the human population. MRS. rate is very high in New Zealand. There are two types of MRS., HA- MRS. hospital or health care acquired and CA-MRS. community acquired. The most common means of transmission is in a health care environment as patients have lower immune systems and are weak. MRS. in hospitals and other care settings is easily spread as hygiene practices are not up to scratch from patient/ nurse contact and hygiene with surgical wounds and other intensive devices such as catheters and feeding tubes. Community acquired MRS. can be found in healthy patients that have not been hospitalized. Many patients of MRS. do not understand their infection and its ways of transmission; this can lead to feelings of astigmatism and fear. MRS. itself cannot have any direct psychological impact on patients with MRS. but is in fact other people’s attitudes and the patient’s perception of scrutiny. Research has hon. that contact with infected hospital patients on average drops by 22% when a person id diagnosed with MRS.. Isolation techniques in infection control are no longer used as they can cause psychosocial effects for patients and their families and Interfere with the home-like atmosphere that a nurse is trying to establish. For these reasons, a system called Body Substance Precautions (BSP) was developed. It focuses on keeping all moist body substances, (blood, feces, urine, wound drainage, tissues, oral secretions, and other body fluids) from the hands of personnel. This Is accomplished through hand washing and Increased glove use Shown Ms Fairly retirement village where my patient resides has a policy for MRS. and Infection control from the Missouri department of health and senior services section for living term care and the advisory committee on Infection prevention and control. Their infection control guidelines for long term care facilities have an emphasis on body substance precautions. BSP provides a consistent approach to managing body substances from ALL residents and is essential in preventing transmission of potentially infectious agents. Specific situation for the overall reasonable exposure risk associated with the task. Risk factors that should be included in the evaluation include: Type of body fluid with which there is or will be contact. Volume of blood/body substances likely to be encountered Reasonable anticipation of exposure; e. G. , â€Å"will my hands touch the resident’s secretions? † Probable route of expos ure; I. E. , hand contact, airborne, droplet, splashing Microbe concentration in fluid or tissue. Some safety precautions include: Gloves,Handwriting ,Face and Eye Protection , Apron or Gown Sharps Handling and Disposal ,Employee Health ,Handling Laboratory Specimens, Soiled Linen ,Disposal of Regulated Waste From Resident’s Rooms, Environmental Cleaning, Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPRM) , Resident Placement, Activity Restriction and the Use of Private Rooms for Infection Prevention and Control , Physician’s Role in Implementing the Body Substance Precautions System, Role of Nurses and Other Health Care Workers in Implementing the Body, Substance Precautions System, Precautions for Residents With Airborne Diseases. How to cite Psychological negative effects of MRSA, Papers

Friday, December 6, 2019

Darwinism vs. Creationism the Scopes Trial of 1926 free essay sample

The trial brought upon two outstanding lawyers of the time, William Jennings Bryan (three-time Democratic candidate for President and a populist) in prosecution and Clarence Darrow (leading member of American Civil Liberties Union and famous for world renown criminal defense) in defense. It was believed by most scientists that biology could not be taught without making some sort of reference to the theory of evolution, but being that the people of Tennessee were such strong believers of the bible, many of the Christian Fundamentalist saw that the theory of evolution denied their religious beliefs. This trial was definitely a conflict between religion and science; hence the people of Tennessee were gravely angered by the teachings of Darwin’s theory because it contradicted the creation of man that was stated in the bible. This case was a watershed in this religion-science conflict that eventually led to three major following the trial: The Butler Act was discontinued, the Scopes Trial upheld defeat of religion over science, and the trial reflected the social conflict that took place in the American Society during the 1920s. We will write a custom essay sample on Darwinism vs. Creationism: the Scopes Trial of 1926 or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Eventually schools would start to teach the theory of evolution which indicates the abolishment of the Butler Act (which was officially eliminated in the late 1960s. ) It became quite clear that teaching science without making reference to Darwin’s theory was a difficult, it not impossible task. The Butler Act was a bill that was enforced in 1925 which made it unlawful for any school teacher in any state to teach anything other then the biblical explanation for the coming of man, but after the Scopes Trial it became apparent that the Butler Act could no longer be enforced. This act interfered with the teacher’s individual rights, which was unconstitutional and so it the Act was later depleted. Similar laws were also abolished, and the Supreme Court stated that such acts violated the US Constitution’s Establishment Clause because their main reason for existence was solely religious. Triumph of Science over religion was also another big occurrence. The defense of the trial argued that â€Å"Fundamentalists were suppressing new ideas out our fear. † â€Å"We feel we stand with progress†¦we feel we stand with fundamental freedom in America. We are not afraid†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Great American Court Cases pg. 0) For the prosecution, William Jennings Bryan thought that moral standards were weakening due to the fact that Darwinism produced agnostics and atheists. At the Climax of the case, Bryan contradicted his beliefs about the earth being created in six 24 hour days as did the bible suggest. This was meaningful since literalism was a standing point of Fundamentalist beliefs. The trial also represented the social conflict that was present in the 1920s American society. â€Å"God vs. Science. † It was the scientific view of the coming of man (Darwin’s theory) that challenged the Christian belief that the earth was created by God within six days. Traditional vs. Modern. † The traditional generation consisted of people that were much more conservative, who also then started to worry that everything valuable was coming to an end. It was them against the young and modern generation that didn’t care much for society’s approval towards them, but rather only if their actions met the acceptance of their intellect. â€Å"Big cities vs. Small cities. † Because of the trial it displayed the great difference between the big cities and the smaller ones. The big city newspapers ridiculed the Butler Act, saying it was â€Å"small minded and archaic. Also, in many big cities Scopes was a hero, but in small towns like Dayton, Tennessee Scopes was looked down upon and seen as a criminal. At the end of the trial, it did not end the debate of the teaching of evolution, but it did symbolize an impediment of anti-evolution forces. Arkansas and Mississippi were the only two states (out of fifteen) that still enacted laws restricting Darwin’s theory to be taught in schools. This trial was by far one of the greatest watershed trials, and a great example of conflict (relgion vs. science) and compromise.

Friday, November 29, 2019

Baumrind Parenting Styles Essays

Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Essays Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Paper Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Paper Microsystem A system which is closest to the person and the one in which they have direct contact with (immediate relationships and activities). Mesosystem The interactions/relationships between the different parts of a persons microsystem. Exosystem a setting that does not involve the person as an active participant, but still affects them (Larger social settings such as communities). Macrosystem The cultural environment in which the person lives and all other systems that affect them. (Culture) Bioecologial Theory Theory describing the nested social and cultured contexts that shape development Authoritative Parenting High in Warmth but exerts firm control Authoritative Parenting This type monitors children closely, setting clear standards and communicating high expectations for behaviour. They are rational and supportive in their approach to discipline, and are willing to negotiate in disciplinary matters. Authoritative Parenting Often produce independent children. Authoritarian Parenting High in control and low in warmth and responsiveness. Discipline can be harsh and punitive. Authoritarian Parenting This type sets firm limits and expect their children to follow orders. They often have a because I said so kind of attitude. Authoritarian Parenting Often produce antisocial children who are not independent. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting This type is warm but they have little control over their children. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting This type of parenting has very few rules or consequences for their children. They also see themselves of more of a resource than a role model. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting Often produce spoiled children and the children are often more impulsive and prone to drug use. Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting Low in warmth and control (uninvolved) Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting This parenting style puts very little effort in and they take care of their own needs first. Often these parents have significant problems of their own, which limit or inhibit their ability to meet the needs of their children. Often these parents are depressed or battling with an addiction. Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting Children are more prone to antisocial behaviours when presented with this parenting style.

Monday, November 25, 2019

Factoring Values into the Analytical Process

Factoring Values into the Analytical Process Introduction The decisions of policy-makers can be affected by the values that these people have. They are supposed to find solutions that best serve the interests of the community. However, very often, the efforts of legislators do not produce the expected results. This paper is aimed at discussing the role of values in adjusting for governmental failures. There are several aspects that should be considered.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Factoring Values into the Analytical Process specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More First of all, in many cases, governmental officials fail to reconcile conflicting values and examine a problem from various perspectives. Moreover, they can focus on short-term results, rather than long-term impact of a certain activity on various stakeholders. By avoiding these pitfalls, public administrators can design more efficient public policies. These are the main issues that should be examined in greater detail. Governmental failures and values The failure to look at the problem from various perspectives First, one can mention that policy-makers take decisions and provide justifications on the basis of their values. For example, one can mention such a controversial issue as oil drilling. A person, who focuses on the preservation of the environment, can emphasize the impacts of pollution on health and life of the community while presenting his/her arguments. In contrast, a politician, who attaches importance to economic development, will set stress on the benefits of this activity (Weimer Vining, 2010). In turn, these people may not be able to look at this question from various perspectives and design the most effective policies. Similarly, such a situation can occur when public administrators cannot properly evaluate the costs and benefits a certain initiative. This is one of the first problems that should not be overlooked. Evaluation of long-term implications Apart from that, the values of policy-makers affect the analytical approach that adopt. This argument is particularly relevant if one speaks about market interventions such as protectionism in the United States (Segal, 2010, p. 10). For example, a supporter of protectionist policies can pay more attention to the number of jobs that such a policy can save. In contrast, an opponent of this approach can say that this policy will deprive the budget of the country of substantial income (Weimer Vining, 2010). Moreover, customers may have to pay a higher price for identical products (Segal, 2010, p. 10). Such a view of the problem is not complete. In the long term, it can result only in the failures of well-intentioned laws.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Similar situations can be observed when governmental officials discuss the defense budget of a country. For example, those people, who v alue security, will speak about the threats that cannot be affectively addressed if the government does not increase its military expenses (Hewitt, 1991, p. 8). In contrast, other officials can emphasize the necessity to spend this money on other public needs. More importantly, these individuals are often unwilling to evaluate the long-term consequences of their decisions. Thus, one can argue that the values of a individual affect his/her choice of analytical framework. Conclusion On the whole, this discussion suggests that values play a critical for explain the failures of many governmental initiatives. Sometimes, the priorities of policy-makers can prevent them from examining the long-term consequences of their decisions. This problem should be taken into account by the legislators, who work on the development of laws. Provided that this issue is not addressed, their initiatives can lead to adverse consequences. Reference List Hewitt, D. (1991). Military Expenditure: International Comparison of Trends. Boston: International Monetary Fund. Segal, E. (2010). Social Welfare Policy and Social Programs: A Values Perspective. New York: Cengage Learning. Weimer, D., Vining, A. (2010). Policy analysis. New York: Longman.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Factoring Values into the Analytical Process specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Logistics Term Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Logistics Term Paper - Essay Example However, to realize these benefits, shippers must meet the growing task of dealing with customs and compliance issues surrounding their participation in free-trade agreements. Promoting key relationships with shipping and intermediary partners is a necessary strategy in cross-border transportation between the US and Mexico. As the growth of NAFTA cross-border traffic regulations for Mexico continues to drive trade growth between the two countries, compliance and security issues continue to challenge transportation and logistics providers as well as shippers (Villarreal 67). There are considerable impediments for the efficient good movement between the two countries. Major hurdles derive from transaction costs which reduce and often eliminate the benefits gained from the removal of tariffs resulting from NAFTA. Transaction costs in this paper refers to cost not linked with direct transportation expenses like freight rates, but those that emerge from complying with security, safety and customs procedures, delays at border crossings and those linked with extra handling of goods as a result of lack of a harmonized transportation system (Lederman, Maloney, and Serven 112). These costs increases prices for traded goods and affect the demand for goods manufactured in these countries. Transaction costs arise from regulatory and infrastructure issue that add costs to the movement of goods. According to Frittelli (36) their quantifying is hard given the wide range of factors that affect trade and transportation in North America. A recent study estimated the total delay costs along the U.S.-Mexico border, at nearly $80 million (Tsui 9). It is hard to distinguish costs as a result border security regulations from those that are due to poor infrastructure or lack of harmonization. Particularly, as security regulations continue to evolve as emerging

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

CV personal statement with 2 page to answer Assignment

CV personal statement with 2 page to answer - Assignment Example 3-phosphoglycerate 3-phosphoglycerate ? 2-phosphoglycerate 2-phosphoglycerate ? phosphoenolpyruvate Phosphoenolpyruvate ? pyruvate pyruvate ? acetaldehyde acetaldehyde ? ethanol B) The result that would be obtained if muscle tissue were used instead of yeast 2 marks Since in muscles NAD is exhausted, pyruvate is converted to lactic acid to be able to produce NADH. PRACTICAL 4 1. Based on the approximate free energy changes for their hydrolysis, ADP, ATP and creatinine phosphate are expected to be better phosphate donors than glucose 6-phosphate and AMP, because the former three undergo hydrolysis that have more negative free energy changes than that of the latter two. This means that their hydrolysis is more spontaneous. 6. The solutions containing ATP, ADP, AMP, and glucose 6-phosphate ranked first, second, third, and fourth, respectively, in the amount of 680 nm absorbed, and subsequently the amount of inorganic phosphates produced. This ranking also indicates the willingness of th ese compounds to donate phosphate. PERSONAL STATEMENT I have the passion to teach different subjects, biochemistry in particular, due to a variety of reasons. First, biochemistry is an interesting and exciting subject to be involved in, because of the number of experiments that could be conducted and the potential to formulate new experiments. There is always something new to spark the interest of students. In addition, these experiments can have tangible and measurable products, usually with visible changes, usually colorimetric in character. This can encourage and motivate the students to do the experiments, despite probably experiencing setbacks and not seeing results. Moreover, the topics of biochemistry are easily applicable to their lives, and so they will find the sense and reason behind studying these lessons and conducting the experiments. For example, knowing how our food, through its production of ATP, powers our daily activities can be easily applicable and understandabl e since eating is a common human process that, when not undertaken, results in weakness. However, I know that teaching is a difficult job to do. Although biochemistry is an enjoyable topic to discuss, I know that I should be hardworking, patient, passionate and creative in teaching my students. It is my belief that the potential of biochemistry being enjoyed by the students can only be realized if the teacher is able to tap its strengths and blunt its weaknesses. I should be able to formulate enjoyable and exciting experiments by using reactions that produce color changes. If the students do not perform the experiments well the first time, I should be patient in guiding my students to the eventual achievement of desired result. If my students see these characteristics in my personality, I hope they can imbibe these good qualities so that they can bring it as they grow older. Hopefully, I will be given the chance of not only giving my students knowledge, but teaching them qualities t hat can help them in the future. SUMMARY Chemical processes are vital in providing energy for all the functions of living things. Their extensive characterization entails the conduct of experiments that looked into the reactions’ different aspects. In part 1, intermediates of metabolic pathways such as glycolysis can be studied despite their low steady state concentrations by inhibiting the processing enzymes, in this case by exposing pyruvate decarboxylase to alkaline conditions. Aside from looking at the intermediates, other compounds, such as enzymes and

Monday, November 18, 2019

MODERN LAND LAW Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

MODERN LAND LAW - Essay Example Trusts of this nature are ‘created by a transaction between the trustee and the cestui que trust in connection with the acquisition by the trustee of a legal estate in land, whenever the trustee has so conducted himself that it would be inequitable to allow him to deny to the cestui que trust a beneficial interest in the land acquired. And he will be held to have so conducted himself if by his words or conduct he has induced the cestui que trust to act to his own detriment in the reasonable belief that by so acting he was acquiring a beneficial interest in the land.’2 The case giving way to Lord Diplock’s observations, Gissing v Gissing involved a scenario where matrimonial property was held in the name of the husband only. The questions for determination were: Did the husband hold the legal title upon trust for the benefit of both he and the wife. And if so, how were the beneficial interests to be divided? In cases such as this, Lord Diplock opined that court must satisfy itself on the evidence that it was ‘the common intention of both spouses that the contributing wife should have a share in the beneficial interest and that her contributions were made upon this understanding.’3 In many cases, the intention or common understanding of the parties will have to be inferred as there is not always going to be statements of intent from either or both parties. Lord Diplock went on to explain that this inference might also be a mere matter of fact. In many cases he explained and husband and wife purchase a matrimonial home by virtue of a mortgage, the capacity of each spouse to contribute to the monthly mortgage payments will usually come out of their separate earnings. However, a woman’s income might be altered by the introduction of children into the marital union. This, Lord Diplock stated should not operate to negate the common intention of both parties to acquire a

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of