Baumrind Parenting Styles Essays

Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Essays Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Paper Bronfenbrenner/ Baumrind Parenting Styles Paper Microsystem A system which is closest to the person and the one in which they have direct contact with (immediate relationships and activities). Mesosystem The interactions/relationships between the different parts of a persons microsystem. Exosystem a setting that does not involve the person as an active participant, but still affects them (Larger social settings such as communities). Macrosystem The cultural environment in which the person lives and all other systems that affect them. (Culture) Bioecologial Theory Theory describing the nested social and cultured contexts that shape development Authoritative Parenting High in Warmth but exerts firm control Authoritative Parenting This type monitors children closely, setting clear standards and communicating high expectations for behaviour. They are rational and supportive in their approach to discipline, and are willing to negotiate in disciplinary matters. Authoritative Parenting Often produce independent children. Authoritarian Parenting High in control and low in warmth and responsiveness. Discipline can be harsh and punitive. Authoritarian Parenting This type sets firm limits and expect their children to follow orders. They often have a because I said so kind of attitude. Authoritarian Parenting Often produce antisocial children who are not independent. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting This type is warm but they have little control over their children. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting This type of parenting has very few rules or consequences for their children. They also see themselves of more of a resource than a role model. Permissive/Indulgent Parenting Often produce spoiled children and the children are often more impulsive and prone to drug use. Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting Low in warmth and control (uninvolved) Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting This parenting style puts very little effort in and they take care of their own needs first. Often these parents have significant problems of their own, which limit or inhibit their ability to meet the needs of their children. Often these parents are depressed or battling with an addiction. Neglectful-Rejecting Parenting Children are more prone to antisocial behaviours when presented with this parenting style.

Factoring Values into the Analytical Process

Factoring Values into the Analytical Process Introduction The decisions of policy-makers can be affected by the values that these people have. They are supposed to find solutions that best serve the interests of the community. However, very often, the efforts of legislators do not produce the expected results. This paper is aimed at discussing the role of values in adjusting for governmental failures. There are several aspects that should be considered.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Factoring Values into the Analytical Process specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More First of all, in many cases, governmental officials fail to reconcile conflicting values and examine a problem from various perspectives. Moreover, they can focus on short-term results, rather than long-term impact of a certain activity on various stakeholders. By avoiding these pitfalls, public administrators can design more efficient public policies. These are the main issues that should be examined in greater detail. Governmental failures and values The failure to look at the problem from various perspectives First, one can mention that policy-makers take decisions and provide justifications on the basis of their values. For example, one can mention such a controversial issue as oil drilling. A person, who focuses on the preservation of the environment, can emphasize the impacts of pollution on health and life of the community while presenting his/her arguments. In contrast, a politician, who attaches importance to economic development, will set stress on the benefits of this activity (Weimer Vining, 2010). In turn, these people may not be able to look at this question from various perspectives and design the most effective policies. Similarly, such a situation can occur when public administrators cannot properly evaluate the costs and benefits a certain initiative. This is one of the first problems that should not be overlooked. Evaluation of long-term implications Apart from that, the values of policy-makers affect the analytical approach that adopt. This argument is particularly relevant if one speaks about market interventions such as protectionism in the United States (Segal, 2010, p. 10). For example, a supporter of protectionist policies can pay more attention to the number of jobs that such a policy can save. In contrast, an opponent of this approach can say that this policy will deprive the budget of the country of substantial income (Weimer Vining, 2010). Moreover, customers may have to pay a higher price for identical products (Segal, 2010, p. 10). Such a view of the problem is not complete. In the long term, it can result only in the failures of well-intentioned laws.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Similar situations can be observed when governmental officials discuss the defense budget of a country. For example, those people, who v alue security, will speak about the threats that cannot be affectively addressed if the government does not increase its military expenses (Hewitt, 1991, p. 8). In contrast, other officials can emphasize the necessity to spend this money on other public needs. More importantly, these individuals are often unwilling to evaluate the long-term consequences of their decisions. Thus, one can argue that the values of a individual affect his/her choice of analytical framework. Conclusion On the whole, this discussion suggests that values play a critical for explain the failures of many governmental initiatives. Sometimes, the priorities of policy-makers can prevent them from examining the long-term consequences of their decisions. This problem should be taken into account by the legislators, who work on the development of laws. Provided that this issue is not addressed, their initiatives can lead to adverse consequences. Reference List Hewitt, D. (1991). Military Expenditure: International Comparison of Trends. Boston: International Monetary Fund. Segal, E. (2010). Social Welfare Policy and Social Programs: A Values Perspective. New York: Cengage Learning. Weimer, D., Vining, A. (2010). Policy analysis. New York: Longman.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Factoring Values into the Analytical Process specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More

Logistics Term Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Logistics Term Paper - Essay Example However, to realize these benefits, shippers must meet the growing task of dealing with customs and compliance issues surrounding their participation in free-trade agreements. Promoting key relationships with shipping and intermediary partners is a necessary strategy in cross-border transportation between the US and Mexico. As the growth of NAFTA cross-border traffic regulations for Mexico continues to drive trade growth between the two countries, compliance and security issues continue to challenge transportation and logistics providers as well as shippers (Villarreal 67). There are considerable impediments for the efficient good movement between the two countries. Major hurdles derive from transaction costs which reduce and often eliminate the benefits gained from the removal of tariffs resulting from NAFTA. Transaction costs in this paper refers to cost not linked with direct transportation expenses like freight rates, but those that emerge from complying with security, safety and customs procedures, delays at border crossings and those linked with extra handling of goods as a result of lack of a harmonized transportation system (Lederman, Maloney, and Serven 112). These costs increases prices for traded goods and affect the demand for goods manufactured in these countries. Transaction costs arise from regulatory and infrastructure issue that add costs to the movement of goods. According to Frittelli (36) their quantifying is hard given the wide range of factors that affect trade and transportation in North America. A recent study estimated the total delay costs along the U.S.-Mexico border, at nearly $80 million (Tsui 9). It is hard to distinguish costs as a result border security regulations from those that are due to poor infrastructure or lack of harmonization. Particularly, as security regulations continue to evolve as emerging

CV personal statement with 2 page to answer Assignment

CV personal statement with 2 page to answer - Assignment Example 3-phosphoglycerate 3-phosphoglycerate ? 2-phosphoglycerate 2-phosphoglycerate ? phosphoenolpyruvate Phosphoenolpyruvate ? pyruvate pyruvate ? acetaldehyde acetaldehyde ? ethanol B) The result that would be obtained if muscle tissue were used instead of yeast 2 marks Since in muscles NAD is exhausted, pyruvate is converted to lactic acid to be able to produce NADH. PRACTICAL 4 1. Based on the approximate free energy changes for their hydrolysis, ADP, ATP and creatinine phosphate are expected to be better phosphate donors than glucose 6-phosphate and AMP, because the former three undergo hydrolysis that have more negative free energy changes than that of the latter two. This means that their hydrolysis is more spontaneous. 6. The solutions containing ATP, ADP, AMP, and glucose 6-phosphate ranked first, second, third, and fourth, respectively, in the amount of 680 nm absorbed, and subsequently the amount of inorganic phosphates produced. This ranking also indicates the willingness of th ese compounds to donate phosphate. PERSONAL STATEMENT I have the passion to teach different subjects, biochemistry in particular, due to a variety of reasons. First, biochemistry is an interesting and exciting subject to be involved in, because of the number of experiments that could be conducted and the potential to formulate new experiments. There is always something new to spark the interest of students. In addition, these experiments can have tangible and measurable products, usually with visible changes, usually colorimetric in character. This can encourage and motivate the students to do the experiments, despite probably experiencing setbacks and not seeing results. Moreover, the topics of biochemistry are easily applicable to their lives, and so they will find the sense and reason behind studying these lessons and conducting the experiments. For example, knowing how our food, through its production of ATP, powers our daily activities can be easily applicable and understandabl e since eating is a common human process that, when not undertaken, results in weakness. However, I know that teaching is a difficult job to do. Although biochemistry is an enjoyable topic to discuss, I know that I should be hardworking, patient, passionate and creative in teaching my students. It is my belief that the potential of biochemistry being enjoyed by the students can only be realized if the teacher is able to tap its strengths and blunt its weaknesses. I should be able to formulate enjoyable and exciting experiments by using reactions that produce color changes. If the students do not perform the experiments well the first time, I should be patient in guiding my students to the eventual achievement of desired result. If my students see these characteristics in my personality, I hope they can imbibe these good qualities so that they can bring it as they grow older. Hopefully, I will be given the chance of not only giving my students knowledge, but teaching them qualities t hat can help them in the future. SUMMARY Chemical processes are vital in providing energy for all the functions of living things. Their extensive characterization entails the conduct of experiments that looked into the reactions’ different aspects. In part 1, intermediates of metabolic pathways such as glycolysis can be studied despite their low steady state concentrations by inhibiting the processing enzymes, in this case by exposing pyruvate decarboxylase to alkaline conditions. Aside from looking at the intermediates, other compounds, such as enzymes and

MODERN LAND LAW Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

MODERN LAND LAW - Essay Example Trusts of this nature are ‘created by a transaction between the trustee and the cestui que trust in connection with the acquisition by the trustee of a legal estate in land, whenever the trustee has so conducted himself that it would be inequitable to allow him to deny to the cestui que trust a beneficial interest in the land acquired. And he will be held to have so conducted himself if by his words or conduct he has induced the cestui que trust to act to his own detriment in the reasonable belief that by so acting he was acquiring a beneficial interest in the land.’2 The case giving way to Lord Diplock’s observations, Gissing v Gissing involved a scenario where matrimonial property was held in the name of the husband only. The questions for determination were: Did the husband hold the legal title upon trust for the benefit of both he and the wife. And if so, how were the beneficial interests to be divided? In cases such as this, Lord Diplock opined that court must satisfy itself on the evidence that it was ‘the common intention of both spouses that the contributing wife should have a share in the beneficial interest and that her contributions were made upon this understanding.’3 In many cases, the intention or common understanding of the parties will have to be inferred as there is not always going to be statements of intent from either or both parties. Lord Diplock went on to explain that this inference might also be a mere matter of fact. In many cases he explained and husband and wife purchase a matrimonial home by virtue of a mortgage, the capacity of each spouse to contribute to the monthly mortgage payments will usually come out of their separate earnings. However, a woman’s income might be altered by the introduction of children into the marital union. This, Lord Diplock stated should not operate to negate the common intention of both parties to acquire a

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour

Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Understanding Predictors of Sexually Coercive Behaviour Abstract Purpose: In order to end or at least improve education and reduce sexual coercion, it is crucial to identify the variables that play a part in such behaviour. Method: One hundred and thirty students (57 female and 73 males) ranging in age from 18 to 26 were randomly approached at one of three university campuses and completed a questionnaire battery. Results: Overall 91.7% of respondents reported to have never been sexually coercive. Logistic regression analysis, using a dichotomised criterion of coercion, established that frequent pornography and potential sports team membership increased the potential of coercion. Conclusion: Introduction Over the past three decades a plethora of research has concentrated upon the factors involved in and the repercussions of sexual assault, victimisation and perpetration (Abbey, McAuslan, 2004). Sexual experiences and behaviours are often complex involving; moral and gender stereotyped beliefs, social learning, peer interaction and biological factors. An important part of maturity is developing appropriate sexual beliefs that enable the adolescent to control sexual urges and to manage the consequences when such urges are not controlled. Problems begin to arise when individuals apply pressure or force in a coercive manner in order to obtain sexual intercourse. Sexual coercion is persistent within society and both males and females serve as victims as well as perpetrators (Sigleman, Berry Wiles, 1984). However, more often than not offenders are young, male and anti-social (Ellis Walsh, 2000). A vast spectrum of research (Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987, Forbes Adams Curtis, 2001, Warkentin Gidycz, 2007, Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007) also suggests that a large proportion of sexually coercive behaviours occur within university settings. Some suggest that the sexually promiscuous environment promotes sexually coercive behaviours and attitudes resulting in a number of sexual assault and date rape offences (Douglas, Collins Warren, 1997, Brener, McMahon, Warren, Douglas, 1999, Koss, Gidycz, Wisniewski, 1987). Research using student samples also seems to suggest that males who play sports, use pornography, have hyper-masculine sex beliefs and mating strategies will report using and accepting sexually coercive behaviours (Martà ­n, Vergeles, Acevedo, Sà ¡nchez Visa, 2005, Lacasse Mendelson, 2007). Further problems arise with what constitutes sexual coercion and when does coercion become attempted rape or rape. Legal definitions are often confusing and broad, the general population usually define rape as vaginal, oral or anal intercourse or attempted intercourse against a person’s will or if the person is unable to give full consent (Humphrey Kahn, 2000; Abbey, BeShears, Clinton-Sherrod McAuslan, 2004). Sexual abuse which incorporates sexual coercion is generally defined as behaviour that covers a range of sex acts which includes physically forced sexual contact and verbally coercive intercourse. Due to the ambiguous definitions police reported prevalence often underestimates the problem (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). Further to these issues some victims fail to realise that they are in fact themselves victims (Pollard, 1992). If the perpetrator is known to the victim they are often reluctant to label the incident as rape. There are also conflicting views to what constitutes ‘intercourse’. Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, Pleck, (1998) argued that men attribute vastly different definitions to the word ‘sex’ when compared to women. Bogart, Cecil, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, Abramson, (2000) and Sanders, Reinish (1999) both found that over half of their participants would not define oral sex as sex. Even more participants did not class an act to be ‘sex’ if one or both of those involved did not have an orgasm. As a consequence of these ambiguous definitions some sexual behaviours may not be perceived as sexual acts and both the victim and perpetrator may be under estimating the seriousness of some behaviours. Research in this subject area has tended to use large representative samples (Abbey et al. 2004). A smaller number of studies have used self reports to estimate the prevalence of sexual coercion. The majority of research has concentrated upon the student population as many studies have shown a generalised problem among university students (Abbey et al. 2004, Martin et al. 2005). Sexual abuse and coercive behaviours will arguably be prevalent in the student population as individuals are still trying to form their identities. Adolescents have powerful motives for sexual intercourse due to pressure from social stereotypes and peers as sex is often viewed as a male conquest. Sexual coercion is said to be a social problem that reflect the stereotypes portrayed by a sexist society (Brownmiller, 1975). Maskay and McCreary-Juhasz (1983) argue that most students will be pressured to engage in sexual activity by either internal or external forces. Arguably males are more likely to hold sexists attitudes and condone sexually coercive behaviours which may be why they are predominantly perpetrators (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling,, Binderup, 2000). Female students have continuously been highlighted as being at high risk of coercion in to unwanted sexual behaviour (Mouzon, Battle, Clark, Coleman, Ogletree, 2005) as females aged 16 to 24 experience rape at a level four times higher than the general female population (Parrot, Cummings, Marchell Hofher, 1994). In a vast range of research that has been conducted with university students what became apparent is that rape perpetration ranges from 6% to 15%, sexual assault ranges from 22% to 57% and 85% of females reported that their date was a perpetrator of sexual coercion(Abbey et al. 2004). These varying estimates may be in part due to differing methodologies or the varying definitions of sexual coercion. However what remains clear is that sexual assault and coercion is a serious problem even if we only consider the lower estimates. Coupled with these estimates, 25-60% of male students admitted they would force a female to have sex if they thought they wouldn’t be caught (Russell, 1993, cited in Emmers Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite a wide range of research in this area over the past decade it has become apparent that there are difficulties in eliciting reliable accounts of sexual coercion and therefore intercourse. Some participant may minimise the number of sexual partners where as in many societies young males exaggerate sexual experiences because it as seen as a measure of manhood (Boohene, 1991). As a whole sexual victimisation has been a serious problem on university campuses. Despite efforts from the universities highlighting the risks students put themselves at not much has changed and the prevalence of such behaviours has shown little fluctuation over this time period. It is important to note that sexual aggression varies greatly among different universities (Koss, et al.1987). It seems viable that in order to attempt to tackle this ongoing problem the factors or social situation that influence or exacerbate such behaviours need to be identified. All men are arguably exposed to similar social experiences, however only a small proportion of these go on to engage in sexually coercive behaviours. The question must be why does this minority conduct these behaviours and accept sexual coercive tactics, what are the mediating factors and how can it be prevented? The literature examining the use and acceptance of sexual coercion suggests that certain variables remain consistent (Emmers-Sommer, Allen, 1999). Despite over 47 variables being associated with sexual coercion (Frank, 1989) they generally fall in to one of two categories; psychological and physical pressure (Struckman-Johnson, 1988). Psychological takes the form of verbal pressure, where as physical involves threat of harm to an individual if they refuse to engage in intercourse. Koss (1989) referred to psychological as being implied force and physical as being explicit force. Several studies have concluded that verbal coercion is often the most commonly used coercive tactic (Mouzon et al. 2005). Within a university setting it was apparent in the majority (58.6%) of coercive incidents, the male carried on even though the female had stated ‘No’ (Muehlenhard Linton, 1986). Verbal coercion is a negative level of persuasion that can take the form of; blackmail, persuasion, lies, false promises, guilt or threats to end a relationship (Walner-Haugrud, 1995). Many males use verbal coercion as it leaves the victim with a lack of choices to pursue that don’t have severe social or physical consequences (Heise, Moore, Toubia, 1995). Sexual intercourse may actual seem like the easiest option in order to escape constant pressure or to avoid negative consequences including threats to a relationship (Livingston, Buddie, Testa VanZile-Tamsen, 2004). The anticipation of a negative reaction from their partner was significantly associated with a woman’s decreased ability to refuse sex and over 40% of females engaged in intercourse due to constant pressure (Koss, 1985) . However when females are seen to ‘give in’ to intercourse due to the social and emotional pressures it is debated whether this is true victimization (Muehlehard Peterson, 2004). Regardless of this viewpoint the presence of verbal coercion is consistent in dating relationships, 93% of coercive acts reported by females involved a male that was known to them (Testa Livingston,1999). With regard to university campuses, social circles constantly overlap thus increasing the likelihood the victim, her friends or acquaintances will now the perpetrator. Dating situation can often be ambiguous with pressure from societies expectation of gender stereotyped roles and traditional dating scripts. These expectations and pressures can often lead to attitudes of rape justifiability and victim willingness. Males are often viewed by a western society as being dominant and aggressive. Therefore some males want to uphold this view often resulting in hyper-masculinity. Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, Aker (1995) argue the views of these males will be strengthened especially in a university setting. Their ‘Confluence model’ states that variables such as sexual promiscuity or hyper-masculinity will influence sexually coercive behaviour and attitudes. Some male’s think they are justified in being coercive towards their date especially if they the female accepted the date, they have paid for the date or the female invited him back to her residence (Feltey, Ainslie Geib, 1991). Such behaviours are justified as being acceptable as certain males believe because the female has ‘allowed’ him to take the ‘lead’ role then she must be willing to engage in intercourse or he is justified in pursuing intercourse without consent as she ‘owes’ him (Parrot, 1990). Surprisingly some females agree that a man is justified in having sex with a female against her will if she willingly goes back to his house (Muehlenhard, 1988). Even when dating scripts are reversed and the female initiates or pays for the date some males still perceive this as the female’s willingness to engage in intercourse. These males are likely to assume that females who initiate or take control are experienced or ‘easy’. The males described in these situations are more likely to blame the female if sex occurs, are more likely to endorse rape justifiable attitudes and are less likely to perceive that coercion took place (Parrot, 1990). Reassuringly, 98% of university students agreed that using coercion to obtain sex is not acceptable regardless of other dating factors (Cook, 1995). Some behaviours do not have the ambiguity of whether they are coercive or not for example the use of force, threat or weapons are unequivocal examples of sexual coercion. Koss et al. (1987) argued that over half of their student sample were sexual victimized and 6% stated they had been raped in the past year whilst at university. Fisher, Cullen, Turner (2000) reported much lower figures of around 11% for sexual victimization and 2% raped in the past 7 months. These differences could indicate a decline in sexually coercive behaviour however it may be more likely due to differing definitions of sexually coercive behaviours and the different time frames used. Taking even the lower estimates it appears that a significant proportion of students have endured some form of sexual coercion during a relatively small time frame. However research has continually highlighted that the number of reported incidents of sexual coercion by females will always out weight the number of self reports by males (Koss et al.1987). Therefore it appears that there are marked gendered differences in the way both sexes perceive and report sexually coercive behaviours. The gendered differences in attitudes towards sexual behaviour general highlight that males are more sexually permissive and more interested in casual sex and women tend to have an emotional tie (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2004). Despite some decline in these gender differences, the issue of casual sex remains the same. Males are twice as likely as females to approve of casual sex and four times as likely to think attractiveness is a sufficient enough reason to have sex (Feignbaum Weinstein, 1995). Males also believed it is ‘normal’ for intercourse to occur after eight dates whereas females argued it would be nearer to 12 (Cohen Shortland, 1996). This sample of male students may therefore have unrealistic dating scripts. Expecting intercourse to occur four dates sooner than females may result in the female perceiving the males advances as being sexually coercive whereas the male believe his behaviours are the next ‘logical’ step. Such differences in sexual expectations may be a major contributing factor to the discrepancies between recorded and self reported behaviours. Discrepancies may also be attributed to some men perpetrating multiple acts as recidivism rates are often low. Rubenzahl (1998) reported that within his student sample 29% reported being sexually coercive on more than five occasions. The underlying differences in attitudes towards sexual coercion may lie with the conditioning of males and females, and their assumed gender identity. Embracing the identity of being masculine or feminine will have an effect upon perceptions of appropriate or inappropriate behaviour, and the decisions regarding engaging in intercourse. As gender identities are diametrically opposed, society views real mean as those who have sex and women, who are ladies, do not (Muehlenhard, McCoy, 1991). Males who adopt this gender identity have more traditional values and expectation. As discussed previously, these males will ask for the date, pay for the date, initiate sex and ultimately endorse sexually coercive strategies. Such males are also more likely to believe that females engage in ‘Token Resistance’, in that they say no in order to preserve their feminine identity, even though they are willing to engage in sexual intercourse. Others believe that token resistance may actually be a change of intention rather than a self protective factor (Shortland, Hunter, 1995). Around 40% of college women admitted they had engaged in token resistance, even though they planned to have sexual intercourse (Shortland, Hunter, 1995) and 17% make regular practice of it (Muehlenhard Hollabaugh, 1988).Therefore, even if the female truly means ‘No’, a minority of males will still pursue intercourse as they perceive it to be the female being coy or bluffing to protect h er reputation. Given that males and females are expected, by the rules that govern society, to act in opposing ways and that some males believe because of these expectations, females say ‘no’ when they in fact mean ‘yes’, it is hardly surprising that coercive behaviours become problematic. Confusion for males will obviously arise when females they have previously engaged in sexual intercourse with have used token resistance. Problems will arise when the same male engages with other females, yet uses his previous experience as a rule of thumb. Some women use verbal and non verbal cues, along with the physical resistance to refuse sexual advances from a male. As discussed verbal cues are often confusing especially as ‘no’ can often mean ‘yes’. Consent is also usually signalled by doing nothing during sexual advances, therefore further issues may arise for the male in that lack of consent is not necessarily a spoken ‘no’. Men are also mo re likely to perceive a wide variety of non verbal, verbal and situational variables as cues for a female’s sexual interest (Koukounds, Letch, 2001). Non verbal cues are said to be the least direct and effective methods of resistance (VanWie, Gross, 2001). Environmental factors such as a college setting and, â€Å"perpetrator characteristics, personality and previous sexual experience enhance a man’s willingness to act upon his coercive beliefs and attitudes† (Berkowitz, Burkhart, Bourg, 1994 p.6). White, Donat, Humphrey’s (1995) suggest that it is not specific cognitive beliefs but negativity towards women that is associated with sexual coercion. Therefore holding supportive attitudes in the absence of other variables such as hostility may not contribute to sexual coercion. Attitudes of a coercive nature however do not just appear but they are in part due to socialisation. Attitudes are modelled and developed at home, school, by the media and our peers; they are also in part influenced by our own personality. Hostility towards females and sensation seeking is such aspects of personality that is linked towards sexual coercive behaviours (Berkowitz, 1992). Much of the sexual coercion literature has focused upon fraternity and sports team members with the majority suggesting that those who individuals who are associated with either group are more likely to commit sexual assault. This viewpoint has gained momentum within the popular media (Martin, Hummer, 1989) however from an academic perspective the results are mixed. Koss and Gains (1993) argue that both athletic membership and living in a fraternity were significantly related to the severity of the incident but only athletic membership was a significant predictor. However, Lackie and DeMan (1997) argues the opposite in that fraternity membership not athletic membership predicted sexual assault. One of the many reasons for this is that, some sports teams especially on modern university campuses are mixed sex or if they are single sex affiliated teams share transport and training resources. Also many fraternities do not represent the stereotypical view of hyper-masculine, alcohol fuelled environments and they actually promote equal rights and community service. However a number studies, (Boeringer,1999, Sawyer, Thompson, Chicorelli, 2002, Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Pakalka, White, 2006) have highlighted relationships between group memberships, acceptance of rape myths, objectification of women and admiration of violence. Each of these variables has been constantly related to sexual aggression and coercion. It is important however to understand that such attitudes are developmental and aggression towards females does not just manifest during college. Such attitudes develop throughout the life course and participation is sports, college experiences, the pressure from peers or male gender roles may reinforce these existing attitudes (Forbes, Adam-Curtis, 2001). Peers will provide justification and support for each other’s sexually aggressive tactics. Athletes were over responsible for 19% of sexual assaults despite only accounting for 3% of the overall university population (Crosset, Benedict, 1995). On the other hand self report questionnaires highlighted that sexual assault by members of athletic teams or fraternity memberships were no different than non members (Jackson, 1991). Closely tied in with the theory of masculinity is the role of males peers in socialisation and initiation of sexual beliefs (Brooks-Gunn, Furstenberd, 1989). ‘Frat’ membership is good reflection of the pressure applied to peers to hold narrow masculine views (Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, Wood, 2000). The link between ‘frat’ houses, sports team and sexual coercion may be a reflection of the psychological characteristics of the group such as hostility and dominance over women not the purpose of the group itself that is associated with sexual coercion. Further variables such as pornography usage have been linked to sexual assault and sexual coercion. Within some student populations and arguably some ‘frat’ houses or university halls of residence social affairs involve pornographic entertainment which may further reinforce sexually aggressive behaviour. The concern surrounding pornography usage is that substantial research (Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille, Paulhus, 2009) argues it promotes sexual misbehaviour. Such effects are arguably stronger when the exposure is self induced (e.g. DVD’s and internet based searches) rather than involuntary (e.g. pop ups and spam emails). Experimental studies (Williams et al. 2009) seem to suggest that exposing males to pornography increases fantasies, willingness to rape and acceptance of rape myths. Malamuth, Neil, Koss, (2000) argue that there is an association between pornography usage and sexually aggressive behaviours in that those who had higher levels of viewing were at a greater risk for being sexually aggressive. However they also suggest that those males who are already aggressive in nature are at a far greater risk than those who are not aggressive. Boeringer (1994) had previously concluded that males exposed frequently to violent pornography were six times more likely to report rape supporting attitudes and behaviours compared to a sample with low exposure. Exposure to pornography may reinforce the notion that having multiple partners is normal and having a steady relationship in undesirable. Pornography also fails to deal with real life relationship problems. Some issues such as affection, communication, dating scripts or the consequences of promiscuous sexual behaviour are avoided. Viewing material of this nature especially on a frequent basis exposes the individual to perverted sex acts that are otherwise unimaginable and instead are regarded as exciting thus desensitising the individual to the content. Some 12% of males imitated pornography during a sexually abusive incident (Bergen, Raquel Kennedy, 2000). It is important however to remember that a number of individuals watch pornography on a regular basis and no not engage in sex crimes. It is important however to argue that the relationship between pornography and sexual coercion is not simply due to levels of exposure and moderating factors must be considered. The combination of peers with attitudes that justify coercion, pornography usage and hyper-masculinity and an appreciation of violence often found in some sports teams may all interact and contribute to sexual coercion. The age at which individuals have their first sexual experience and the number of partners they have had may lead to more coercive attitudes and behaviours. Factors such as impersonal sex and lack of intimacy are associated with both promiscuity and sexual coercion. A number of studies (Forbes et al. 2001, Senn at al. 2000, Martin et al. 2005) have found those that had admitted to endorsing or perpetrating sexual coercion had more sexual partners and early age of first intercourse than a non coercive sample. Those males that are sexually coercive and have had a high number of partners will be active daters and the frequency of their sexual contact can increases their likelihood to commit sexually coercive acts (Byers Eno, 1991). In summary, â€Å"the more sexually the young man, the longer he is active and the greater number of sexual partners the more likely some assaultive behaviour will occur at least once† (White Koss, 1993 p.144 ). It is apparent that a number of different variables can contribute to the acceptance and reinforcement of sexually coercive behaviours. The complexity of this relationship can arguably only be understood by taking human evolution and natural selection into account. In line with previous research evolutionary theory argues sexual coercion occurs in aggressive males who are more eager to mate, are sexually assertive and are less discriminative when choosing a mate (Thornhill Palmer, 2000). Those male with a high sex drive that are thwarted by a female when they are sexually aroused may respond in a sexually coercive manner (Kanin, 1969). Females on the other hand have different reproductive strategies as they are more selective because they contribute more long term effort to the reproduction of the offspring (McKibbin, Shackelford, Goetz, Starratt, 2008). Such difference may be attributed to the gender differences in attitudes towards casual sex and some males desire to have multiple partners. Evolutionary psychologists propose a number of different explanations of individual difference in sexual coercion. Those males that have low parental investment due to the nature of their unstable environment such as university may trigger development patterns leading to a high mating effort. These individuals may have multiple partners due to their desire for greater investment in reproduction. This potential for reproduction ‘pays off’ as a greater number of partners may result in a greater number of offspring. Such behaviour patterns are supported by risk taking strategies that are apparent in sexually coercive behaviour. Adaption theory suggests that sexual coercion is a conditional strategy. Its main argument is that those males who have low mating value and have failed with non sexually coercive tactics use conditional mating strategies such as sexual coercion in order to improve their number of sexual partners because these behaviours are now adaptive (Gladden, Sisco, Figueredo, 2008). Further arguments surround the notion that sexual coercion is a by-product of trait differences between genders to ensure that males do not miss sexual opportunities. Selection for a greater variety in sexual encounters (casual sex) by males and for some to act aggressively could result in sexual coercion as a side effect of these traits. From an evolutionary perspective those individuals that adapt behaviour to context adaptive problems (domain specific adaptive mechanisms) tend to out compete rivals that pursue invariant behaviour tactics. It may be in these specific context cues trigger coercive behaviours such that a male who was coercive as a by product of an interest in casual sex maybe also be high in aggression and be willing to use force as they lack normal inhibitions. On the contrary those males that use coercion because they have low status may have normal inhibitions against forcing women however may alter these inhibitions when the female acts inappropriately according to gender stereotypes i.e. initiates the date or invites him back to her home. Based on this argument it appears that different predictors of sexual coercion will correlate preferentially with different types of offences. By expanding this research to consider more fundamental evolutionary constructs such as mating effort and sex strategies, it may be possible to think about sexual coerciveness theoretically. Hypothesis It is predicted that a higher score on a measure of self-reported sexually aggressive tactics will be positively correlated with greater impulsivity, more stereotyped sexual attitudes, active sports team participation, greater pornography use, higher levels of mating effort and residing within university halls of residence. It is further predicted that males will believe using sexual coercive behaviours is more acceptable than females and they will admit to higher levels or perpetration than females. Method Design The study will be a within-subjects correlational study, and examines the use and acceptance of sexually coercive tactics among university students. The study will use higher self-rated scores on measures of sexual coercion as the criterion variable and sexual experience, impulsivity-sensation seeking, sexual beliefs and whether the participant lives in halls, is a member of a sports team, if they use pornography and mating effort as the predictor variables. Participants Participants were recruited via opportunistic sampling around various public areas of a University campus and online via a social networking website. Participants in this study composed of University students ranging from first years to postgraduate level. A total of 130 students participated in the study 73 male and 57 female. The participants included in the analyses were aged between 18 and 26 the overall mean age was 22.2 years (SD= 1.58). Furthermore about 43 % were said to be in a long term relationship, 43 % dated casually, 15 % didn’t date and only2 % were married or engaged. The vast majority of participants (96 %) indicated they were heterosexual, with 2 % being homosexual and 1 % being bi sexual. Materials Within the questionnaire battery participants were asked to provide demographic information which included; gender, age, the age at which participants willingly has sexual intercourse, the number of sexual partners they have had, whether they lived in halls of residence, whether they were part of a single or mixed sex sports team, and whether they used pornography. Further measures include: The SES Scale (sexual experiences scale, Koss Oros, 1982). A 10 item scale was used to measure the participant’s involvement in acts of sexual coercion. From this measure it is possible to collect data regarding four different types of sexual aggression (sexual contact, sexual coercion, attempted rape and rape). As this scale is currently devised for male participants a revised version for females will created simply by changing the use of male to female. This will be altered as it may be possible for some females to use sexually coercive behaviours. The respondents answer ‘yes’ of ‘no’ to a series of items in a self report format. With regard to rape it will not be possible for women participants to respond ‘yes’ however the scale will be able to identify other sexually coercive behaviours The measure is used to detect sexual assault even when the perpetrator is unaware that his behaviour constitutes a crime. The SES is one of the most frequently used measures of assessing sexually aggressive behaviours and reliability and validity are very good. The SES was found to be of good internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach alpha =.89, and has re-test reliability of .93 (Koss Gidycz, 1985) and validity of .61(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The scale has been used with women were the internal consistency was found to be .74(Koss Gidycz, 1985). The Impulsive Sensation Seeking subscale of the Zuckerman-Kuhlman Personality Questionnaire (ZKPQ-ImpSS; Zuckerman, Kuhlman, Joirement, Teta, Kraft, 1993). A 19 item impulsivity sensation seeking subscale requires participants to answer true or false to whether they felt the statements were descriptive of themselves. Higher scores indicate participants who have higher levels of sensation seeking. Research has found the scale has a Cronbach alpha of .77 and a test retest reliability of .80 (Zuckerman, 2002). The Sexual Strategies Questionnaire (SSQ Struckman- Johnson and Struckman-Johnson, 1991). Participants are asked to consider 10 different items in relation to a date scenario vignette. Item are devised to measure acceptability of different sexually coercive tactics. Within the scale there are 10 levels of sexual coercion, the least severe being use of isolation (item 1) ranging to moderately severe, alcohol used as a specific tactic (item 6) and most severely the use of

Methods and Effects of Prenatal Genetic Testing Essay -- Science Biolo

Methods and Effects of Prenatal Genetic Testing I. Introduction Prenatal genetic testing has become one of the largest and most influencial advances in clinical genetics today. "Of the over 4000 genetic traits which have been distinguished to date, more than 300 are identifiable via prenatal genetic testing" (Morris, 1993). Every year, thousands of couples are subjecting their lives to the results of prenatal tests. For some, the information may be a sigh of relief, for others a tear of terror. The psychological effects following a prenatal test can be devastating, leaving the woman with a decision which will affect the rest of her life. For couples with previous knowledge of genetic disorders in their family and concerned parents, prenatal genetic testing is part of the regular pregnancy checkup. Making an appointment with a genetic counselor may seem strange or even frightening for some, still others view it a very common step being taken by many Americans today. The desire to have a "normal" child is held by every parent and only now are we beginning to have the ability to select for that child. In preparation to receiving genetic testing, the parents are required to meet with a genetic counselor. A detailed description of the testing methods are reviewed with the couple as well as the risks which are involved with each. Upon an understanding of the procedures, the counselor discusses the many possible outcomes which could be the result of the diagnosis. Finally, before any tests are performed, anxieties from either of the parents are addressed as well as the psychological well-being of the parents. II. Methods of Genetic Testing Procedures performed today are designed to evaluate the probability that a fet... ...s. Clarke, A. (1994). Genetic counseling: Practice and principles. London: Routledge. Fackelmann, K. (1994). DNA dilemmas: Readers and 'experts' weigh in on biomedical ethics. Science News, 146, 408-499. Mennuti, M. T. (1989). Prenatal diagnosis-Advances bring new challenges. The New England Journal of Medicine, 320, 661-663. Morris, D. T. (1993). Cost containment and reproductive autonomy: Prenatal genetic screening and the American health security act of 1993. American Journal of Law & Medicine, 20, 295-316. Spielman, B. (1995). [Review of Women and prenatal testing]. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, 23, 199-201. Rothenberg, K. and Thomson, E. (1994). Women and prenatal testing. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Watson, J. D., Gilman, M., Witkowski, J., Zoller, M. (1992). Recombinant DNA. New York: W. H. Freeman and Company.

Writing Your Wrong’s

Most moral filled people have the inner desire to make up for the mistake of their past and this desire is magnified when those mistakes have a negative effect on the lives of others. There is a painful guilt that motivates a person to right his or her wrongs and throughout the redemption process a person's perception of one's self can be completely different from reality. The human psyche may only allow you to see what you want to see and not necessarily the facts or truth. Filmmaker, M. Night Shyamalan, portrays this perfectly through the character Malcolm Crowe in the movie The Sixth Sense. Malcolm is a brilliant and successful child psychologist who struggles with his failed attempts to help a former patient and the neglect of his own marriage throughout his career. Driven by guilt, Malcolm pours all of his time and energy into a new patient, Cole Sears, whose symptoms are parallel to those of his very disturbed former patient. Cole is a scared, anxiety stricken, and haunted young boy with a supernatural ability to see and communicate with dead people or ghosts. Due to Malcolm's deep commitment and extensive time spent with Cole, he alienates his wife who seeks comfort and companionship from a male employee. Malcolm's desperate need to help Cole clouds his ability to perceive his true reality. It is through the journey of helping Cole that finally opens Malcolm's eyes to the realization and acceptance of his own death. As a result, he attains closure with his wife, redeems himself for past failures and is able to move on to the afterlife with a sense of inner peace. Malcolm and his wife appear to share a deep love for one another even though she makes a comment early on in the movie that she is runner up to his career. Nonetheless, it is evident they have love and mutual respect for one another. Unfortunately, their happiness is abruptly disrupted when Malcolm is shot by his former patient, a boy whom he could not help. He does this because he feels as though Malcolm failed him and blames him for being a freak. Following the shooting, we see Malcolm try to interact with his wife without success and her repeated failure to respond to him or acknowledge his presence in a room. She appears to ignore him and he views this lack of communication as anger and resentment that stems from marital neglect. This is shown in a scene where his wife is waiting for Malcolm at a restaurant to celebrate their anniversary and he arrives late because he is in a session with Cole- his new patient. His apology is futile and his wife leaves angry and hurt. Malcolm's perception of the situation is inaccurate because of his inability to acknowledge that he is actually dead. Until this is revealed to Malcolm, he will continue to falsely interpret his wife's behavior and actions. This point is proven when we see Malcolm find his wife's bottle of antidepressants and his assumption that her depression is due to marital problems and not grief from his tragic demise. At the suggestion of Cole, Malcom expresses his love to his wife while she sleeps and in that moment his true reality is finally realized – he his dead! It is abundantly clear that Malcolm's sessions and relationship with Cole are paramount in his ability to evolve and eventually say goodbye to his wife and have closure in their marriage. Malcolm believes he is Cole's hired psychologist and desperately wants to help him. His motivation for doing so is fueled by his guilty conscience resulting from his failed attempt to help his former patient who ultimately shot him. Malcolm sees the similarities between the boys and wants the opportunity to get it right. At first, it is unclear if Malcolm can help Cole, but through a bedtime story everything changes. He narrates this to Cole as a bedtime story that revolves around a character named Malcolm, â€Å"Malcolm who works with children and. although he loves his job, he makes a mistake when he is unable to help a young boy. That mistake changed his life forever. He thinks about him all the time and cannot get the boy out of his mind. He then meets a new boy that reminds him of the other boy he was unable to help. This new boy is awesome and Malcolm wants to help him. If he helps this new little boy, it will be like helping the other one too†. From this bedtime story, Cole discerns that Malcolm is talking about himself and this makes Cole more open towards accepting Malcolm's help. This breakthrough with Cole is the turning point in their relationship. Malcolm suggests that Cole help the ghosts that haunt him. This proves to be therapeutic and we begin to see spiritual growth and improved quality of life for Cole, which directly affects Malcolm. Malcolm's guilt for failing his past patient lessens every day as he witnesses the positive changes in Cole. As a result of Malcolm's persistence and success in helping Cole, he is redeemed and closer to the eternal piece that awaits him. When a person has unresolved conflict or lack of closure in a relationship it can inhibit his or her ability to move on to the afterlife upon their death. Initially, Malcom's perception of his mortality is suppressed by the desire for redemption and marital peace. His extreme guilt over the inability to help his former patient and his decaying marriage hold him prisoner in a purgatory type state. Ultimately, through his gifted ability to help a disturbed child his eyes are opened and his soul is set free. Free from the guilt of failing a boy and his marital shortcomings, but filled with inner peace. This inner peace can be seen when he tells Cole he will see him tomorrow knowing tomorrow will never come and later that evening when he expresses his love and final goodbye to his wife allowing them both to move on. In the end, Malcolm's spirit is free of guilt, redeemed, and living in eternal life. Through his character's portrayal we learn the importance of living a moral, regret free and family filled life. An important lesson much needed by many in our world today. Work CitedThe Sixth Sense. M. Night Shyamalan, Hollywood Pictures, 1999.

Aggressive Behavior In Young People Young People Essay Essay Example

Aggressive Behavior In Young People Young People Essay Essay Example Aggressive Behavior In Young People Young People Essay Essay Aggressive Behavior In Young People Young People Essay Essay The addition in violent behaviour in the American society particularly amongst adolescents has triggered research on causes of force. There has been a important addition in aberrant behaviour particularly among the immature people and this has included instances of school violent deaths, armed offenses, sexual offenses and other signifiers of condemnable behaviour. This tendency has caused concern to defenders, parents and the society in general. Research on force in immature people has pointed to the media as a major subscriber to force. Different researches have shown that kids who are exposed to force in the media at a immature age are more likely to show violent actions than those who are non exposed to it. Research has besides shown that prevailing exposure of force to kids takes topographic point through the telecasting. These researches have concluded that kids who watch the telecasting for a longer period of clip are likely to show aggressive behaviour and develop violent ten dencies later in life. However, it is of import to re-evaluate this issue and develop clear findings on the relationship between watching the telecasting and development of aggressive behaviour among kids. This can be achieved through analysing literature and research on the topic by bookmans. This paper aims at analysing the relationship between watching telecasting and development of aggressive behaviour by kids. This analysis will be done utilizing the annotated bibliography format. Three articles of a scholarly literature will be evaluated to develop accurate research findings. These articles are Television force: A reappraisal of the effects on kids of different ages by the Media Awareness Network, Violence in society by Anderson and How the Television affects your kid by Kid s Health Organization. The discussed issues will be summarized at the terminal. Statement of hypothesis The statement of hypothesis will specify the purposes of the research. The statement of hypothesis will be Do kids who watch telecasting more than three hours a twenty-four hours exhibit more aggressive behaviour than those who watch fewer than three hours a twenty-four hours? Research inquiries There will be other research inquiries which will take at understanding aggression among kids and observation of the telecasting for longer hours. One of the research inquiries will be What is the association of aggressive behaviour in kids and violent media? Another research inquiry will be What can be done to deter aggression amongst kids . Article 1: Media Awareness Network. ( 2009 ) . Television force: A reappraisal of the effects on kids of different ages. Introduction Many surveies have explained the causes of development of aggression among kids and adolescents who are exposed to force or grownup content by the media. Research workers from the Media Awareness Network assess the impacts which telecasting plans have on kids of different ages. They analyze a measure by measure influence on aggression and force amongst kids of different ages as a consequence of being exposed to the telecasting. They farther explain that kids are normally unable to hold on the content or narrative behind a film or plan, and their attending is normally captured by dramatic scenes or scenes which they are familiar with. When this happens, such kids begin copying the behaviour particularly when it is presented in an unlittered, instructional and simple mode. Literature reappraisal and findings When kids are about two old ages of age, they begin paying attending to telecasting plans. The screening form developed during this age is likely to be carried frontward to adulthood. During this phase, kids prefer watching sketchs and plans which have fast traveling characters that capture their involvement. During pre-school age, they enter the exploratory phase where they try to decode intending from content they are exposed to. In this phase, they are attracted to production characteristics which are vivid and which include rapid changing of scenes, rapid motion of characters and unexpected or intense sounds and sights ( Media Awareness Network, 2009 ) . Most instances of force in the telecasting plans are followed by production characteristics which are graphic and this means that kids pay attending and seek out violent scenes. It is of import to observe that kids are non attracted to violent Acts of the Apostless in the media but instead the vivid characteristics of production which accompany such scenes. Although telecasting content may subsequently explicate the effects and motive behind the force, kids are unable to hold on these of import facets due to their low adulthood degrees. They are likely to copy violent Acts of the Apostless and act sharply without consciousness of effects of such actions. During the simple school ages, kids have the ability to do illations and follow secret plans every bit good as understand effects and motives attached to the actions of histrions. However, their mental development is non to the full developed and it is non possible to find whether they will deeply treat the information from the telecasting or simply react in a superficial or unfocused manner. By eight old ages of age, kids will probably develop aggression if they identify themselves with violent heroes. However, if force is depicted as immorality, through penalty or doing enduring, such kids are improbable to copy it. By the clip they are about ten old ages of age, kids begin besides watching family-oriented or grownup content and may develop a similitude for films which employ force. During adolescence, kids have high abstract logical thinking and idea degrees and they use this for academic work as opposed to watching the telecasting. However, they become independent and may get down watching horror, adult or violent films every bit good as music picture. These have a negative consequence on striplings and unless they are decently guided by grownups, they may prosecute in violent or immoral Acts of the Apostless. However, merely the minor proportion which believes in the power of telecasting and identifies with violent heroes is likely to pattern violent Acts of the Apostless against their equals. This position is supported by messages which plans which have high grades of force advertise. Programs such as World Wrestling expose kids to high degrees of force and manufacturers have acknowledged the effects which this exposure may hold on them. As a consequence, such plans carry messages which warn kids and immature people non to reiterate actions they see during t he plan as the histrions are professionally trained performing artists who have practiced for many old ages. Methodology However, the writers use secondary research as opposed to primary research as a footing for developing their findings. A assortment of diaries and books are used for the research. It is of import to understand the failings and strengths of this research methodological analysis. Failings of secondary research include the possibility of doubling mistakes from paperss used and the inability to research research further through existent question of authors of the research. This arises from the fact that research workers are non physically present to reply any inquiries which may originate from their research. Advantages of this research method include the low cost and easiness of set abouting research from the cyberspace. The ability to confirm information from diverse beginnings on the Internet is besides another benefit of utilizing this method. Significance of findings The findings of this article are really utile to parents and defenders in general. The research paper helps parents and defenders to understand the idea procedure which kids and adolescents experience when they are exposed to the telecasting. This enables them have an penetration of the effects that force on the telecasting has on kids of different ages. This is of import when parents want to screen their kids from force. The article besides discusses assorted ways in which parents may protect their kids from force and these will be discussed at the terminal of the paper. Article 2: Anderson, K. ( 2008 ) . Violence in society Introduction This writer links the addition in force in society with the exposure of kids to violence through the telecasting. The writer begins by giving several statistics on force or aggression exposures to kids. The first research shows that over 50 % of kids were afraid of force against their households, which showed the paranoia among kids. Extra statistics show that about 20 % of adolescents in the US between the ages of 10 and 17 are cognizant of a individual who has been shot ( Anderson, 2008 ) . Within the last two decennaries, the proportion of child maltreatment increased by over 40 % . Violent offense on the other manus has increased by 60 % within the last four decennaries. Literature reappraisal and findings The writer so links the force in society to exposure to force through the telecasting particularly among kids. Statisticss used to associate these two phenomena explain that kids in the US reveal that an mean kid is exposed to 100,000 Acts of the Apostless of force and 8,000 televised slayings before completion of simple school. This figure doubles before they reach maturity. In add-on, adolescents watch over 10,000 hours of stone music on MTV, and this exposes them to a assortment of violent or immoral Acts of the Apostless. Research on 732 kids straight linked exposure to force on telecasting to delinquent behaviour by kids and this ranged from contending to struggles with parents. These Acts of the Apostless correlated with exposure to telecasting screening. Another longer term research by the University of Illinois made findings that telecasting wonts at a stamp age straight influenced aggressive behaviour at ulterior ages. This means that the more exposure to violence that a kid has, the more they are likely to be violent in ulterior life. Methodology The writer uses a combination of secondary and primary beginnings when carry oning research. Benefits of primary research include the ability to seek accounts on ill-defined issues straight from the writers of research. Another advantage is that organic structure linguistic communication may be used to do decisions through non-verbal communicating. Disadvantages include the fact that it is expensive to transport out. Another failing is that there may be interviewer or interviewee bias depending on the accomplishments of the interviewer. The failings and strengths of secondary beginnings were earlier discussed. Significance of findings The findings of this research are really of import to parents, instructors, defenders and the society at big. These findings show clear linkage between exposure to force on the telecasting to kids and the development of aggressive behaviour. Such grounds from research reinforces the position that kids should be protected from violent content when they are turning up and this is the duty of the society as a whole. Various methods which can be used to accomplish this aim will be discussed at the terminal of the paper. Article 3: Kid s Health Organization. ( 2010 ) . How the Television affects your kid Introduction The writers begin by giving facts about the mean clip spent by kids watching the telecasting. They explain that the mean kid under six old ages of age spends two hours daily watching telecasting, DVDs or pictures. Adolescents and kids who are aged between eight and 18 old ages of age spend four hours and two hours on the telecasting and computing machine severally. The American Pediatrics Association recommends kids under two old ages of age non to watch telecasting at all, and those over two old ages non to watch more than two hours of telecasting daily. This is because the first and 2nd twelvemonth after childbearing is indispensable for mental development and electronic devices should non impact playing, geographic expedition and interaction of kids with people around them. Literature reappraisal and findings The writers explain that telecasting is utile to kids if watched in moderateness since it exposes them to larning and researching new things. However, inordinate observation of the telecasting by kids has been linked to inauspicious effects such as being fleshy, development of fright and aggression every bit good as acceptance of hazardous behaviour such as usage of drugs. They explain that the mean kid will watch 200,000 violent Acts of the Apostless before they attain maturity ( Kid s Health Organization, 2010 ) . Such kids may copy violent Acts of the Apostless which they view as merriment. Since the good cat normally propagates force against scoundrels, kids view force every bit positive every bit long as it is directed towards the bad cat . In add-on, many plans feature hazardous behaviours such as imbibing, smoke and engaging in sexual Acts of the Apostless. Children may copy this behaviour in a command to look cool to their equals. Research has shown that kids who watch more than five hours of telecasting a twenty-four hours are more likely to take part in sexual Acts of the Apostless, imbibing intoxicant or smoke compared to those who watch telecasting for two hours or less. Methodology The writers likewise used a combination of secondary and primary beginnings when set abouting the research. These beginnings have failings and strengths which have already been discussed in the paper. Significance of findings The findings of this research are really utile since they straight link the figure of hours which kids watch telecasting to the development of aggression and other delinquent behaviours. The American Pediatric Association has recommended that kids watch telecasting for a upper limit of two hours a twenty-four hours, and those aged less than two old ages should non be exposed to the telecasting. This information is of import to parents who are acute to guarantee that their kids have equal mental development and are free from force or immorality which is exposed by the media. Summary and decision The paper has discussed three articles which assess the relationship between development of aggression by kids as a consequence of exposure to the telecasting. All the articles have linked kids s aggression and development of immoral behaviour to exposure to the media. Childs have been seen to copy what they see on the telecasting without equal cognition of the reverberations of such actions. The sum of clip which is spent watching such plans has besides been seen to be straight relative to the aggression developed by kids and adolescents. Children under two old ages of age should non be exposed to the telecasting harmonizing to the American Pediatric Association, and those over two old ages should merely hold two hours of telecasting screening. After the appraisal of these findings, it is clear that the reply to the hypothesis What is the association of aggressive behaviour in kids and violent media? is an addition in instances of aggression and immoral behaviour among kids who are exposed to violent media. This has been supported by research discussed. In order to reply the research inquiry What can be done to deter aggression amongst kids , the undermentioned steps should be taken by parents, instructors an society at big. In order to deter aggressive behaviour among kids, parents and defenders have a duty to command the plans their kids watch or the media they are exposed to. Parents should guarantee that kids are non exposed to violent or immoral behaviour since this may promote them to copy such behaviour. In order to command what kids are exposed to, movie shapers and media houses have a duty to rate the content which is exposed to audiences. This is normally a demand in many societies across the universe, and the media is expected to warn viewing audiences in progress if the content has rough linguistic communication, nakedness, force or scenes of a sexual nature. Once parents are cognizant of the content of plans beforehand, they are able to command what their kids have entree to. This will cut down the degrees of aggression among kids and adolescents in the American society, and the degrees of violent offenses will cut down in the long tally.